J  65 


Peril  of 
ssianism 


Dougks  Wilson  Johnson 


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The  Peril  of  Prusslanism 

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The 
Peril  of  Prussianism 


By 

Douglas  Wilson  Johnson 

Associate   Professor  of   Physiography   in 
Columbia   University 


>    > 

1  ■«     • 


••.•.  :*. !. 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  and  London 
^bc   IRnlcfter&ocftcr   press 

1917 


CoFYRIGHT,    I917 
BY 

DOUGLAS  WILSON  JOHNSON 


Ubc  "Rnfcfterbocfter  pvtse^  t\cw  Ifforft 


FOREWORD 

HTHE  following  pages  contain  the  sub- 
stance  of  an  address  delivered  by 
the  writer  before  the  annual  convention 
of  the  Iowa  Bankers  Association  at  Des 
Moines  on  June  14,  1917.  A  request 
from  the  bankers  of  one  section  of  the 
State  that  the  address  be  printed  in 
German  for  circulation  among  the  large 
German-bom  population  of  their  dis- 
trict, together  with  a  nimiber  of  enquiries 
for  copies  of  the  English  text,  have 
tempted  me  to  believe  that  some  good 
piu-pose  might  be  served  by  publishing 
the  address  in  its  present  form. 

However  opinions  may  have  differed 
in  the  past  as  to  our  duty  in  the  world 
crisis,  there  can  be  no  two  opinions  re- 

iii 

3085^ 


iv  Foreword 

garding  our  duty  to-day.  America  has 
decided  that  splendid  isolation  is  no 
longer  possible  in  a  world  rendered  won- 
drous small  by  the  swift  steamship  and 
express  train,  the  telegraph  and  tele- 
phone, the  cable  and  wireless  telegraphy. 
We  are  our  brothers'  keeper,  and  have 
entered  on  a  policy  of  international  co- 
operation, first  to  compel  a  just  peace, 
and  then  to  preserve  it  undisturbed  from 
future  assaults  by  autocratic  militarism. 
We  have  pledged  our  faith  and  must 
fight  a  good  fight  to  make  the  world  safe 
for  democracy.  Every  otmce  of  the 
national  strength  must  be  brought  to 
bear,  every  man  in  the  whole  coimtry 
must  render  loyal,  devoted  service.  The 
Stars  and  Stripes  have  never  yet  been  un- 
furled in  a  lost  cause.  They  must  not 
now  go  down  to  defeat. 

The  only  assurance  of  success  lies  in 
the  imswerving  devotion  of  our  whole 


Foreword  v 

people  to  a  cause  they  believe  sacred. 
It  is  imperative  therefore  that  the  issues 
of  the  present  war  be  made  clear  to  every 
citizen.  Americans  will  not  support  with 
enthusiasm  a  cause  they  do  not  imder- 
stand,  nor  shed  their  blood  with  un- 
measured generosity  to  achieve  ends  they 
cannot  see.  If  the  following  pages  help 
a  few  among'my  fellow-citizens  to  measure 
the  magnitude  of  the  cause  we  serve, 
they  will  not  have  been  written  In  vain. 

Douglas  W.  Johnson. 

New  York,  July  i,  19 17. 


CONTENTS 

I. — Two  Ideals  of  Government 

^11. — The  Inescapable  Conflict 

III. — Growth  of  Prussianism  . 

IV. — The  Mailed  Fist  at  Work 

V. — ^A  Wolf  in  Sheep's  Clothing 

VI. — Tt^^o  Sides  of  a  Shield    . 

VII. — The  Divine  Right  of  the  State      43 

VIII. — The  Issue        ....      49 


17 
19 

25 

32 


vu 


The  Peril  of  Prusslanism 


TWO  IDEALS  OF  GOVERNMENT 

nPHERE  exist  in  the  world  two  funda- 
mentally Opposed  ideals  of  govern- 
ment. One  is  based  on  the  conception 
that  the  government  is  the  servant  of 
its  citizens  and  exists  for  their  benefit. 
According  to  this  conception  the  divine 
right  of  the  individual  to  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  must  be 
conserved,  and  the  most  successful  govern- 
ment is  the  one  which  most  effectively 
promotes  the  free  development  of  its 
citizens.     The   growth    of    this   ideal   of 


2         The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

government  ean  be  traced  through  the 
whole  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race, 
but  first  reached  Its  full  fruition  In  the 
American  Declaration  of  Independence. 
Because  of  the  supreme  faith  of  our 
forefathers  In  dedicating  their  lives,  their 
fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor  to  the 
maintenance  of  this  ideal  In  the  New 
World,  Canada  and  the  other  English 
colonies  to-day  enjoy  a  freedom  which 
would  not  otherwise  be  theirs.  The  loss 
of  her  American  colonies  taught  England 
the  fearful  cost  of  obstructing  man's 
aspirations  for  true  self-government,  with 
the  result  that  both  in  her  colonies  and 
at  home  the  growth  of  democratic  ideals 
has  seldom  been  seriously  checked. 
France  lit  her  torch  of  freedom  at  the 
American  altar,  and  in  Russia  when  the 
bureaucrats  would  denoimce  Milyukof 
for  his  democratic  aspirations  they  hurl 
at    him    the    epithet ^^ '^American."     It 


Two  Ideals  of  Government       3 

will  not  appear  unseemly,  therefore,  to 
call  the  ideal  of  government  just  described 
"The  American  ideal.'*  In  a  peculiar 
degree  America  has  long  stood  before 
the  world  as  its  champion  and  defender. 
The  second  ideal  of  government  is 
diametrically  opposed  to  the  first.  It  is 
based  on  the  conception  that  the  individ- 
ual is  the  servant  of  the  government  and 
exists  for  the  benefit  of  the  government. 
According  to  this  ideal,  the  State  is 
everything,  the  individual  nothing.  The 
perfect  government  is  one  which  so 
disciplines  its  citizens  that  they  render 
absolute  and  unquestioning  obedience 
to  every  order  of  the  State,  performing 
with  machine-like  precision  the  tasks  as- 
signed to  them.  Organized  efficiency 
and  team  work  replace  the  imcoordinated 
and  ineffectual  efforts  of  individuals 
which  forever  clog  the  clumsy  mechanism 
of  democracy.     Individual  liberty  is  per- 


4         The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

mitted  only  where  it  does  not  interfere 
with  the  good  of  the  State,  and  it  is  the 
State,  not  the  citizen,  which  decides 
where  the  line  shall  be  drawn.  This 
ideal  of  government  was  more  than  once 
introduced  into  England,  but  has  never 
seemed  to  thrive  among  Anglo-Saxon 
peoples.  France  suffered  it  for  a  space, 
then  permanently  rejected  it.  Russia 
endured  it  with  ever  increasing  protest, 
and  after  long  years  of  bitter  struggle  and 
threatening  revolution  has  at  last  tram- 
pled it  under  foot.  But  among  Teutonic 
peoples  it  has  thriven  amazingly.  Its 
supreme  development  is  boimd  up  with 
the  history  of  Prussia,  and  reaches  its 
most  perfect  manifestation  in  the  modern 
state  of  Prussianized  Germany.  As  Pro- 
fessor Munsterberg  has  truly  said,  "In 
the  German  view  the  State  is  not  for  the 
individuals,  but  the  individuals  for  the 
State.'*     Both  Kaiser  and  people  unite 


Two  Ideals  of  Government       5 

in  presenting  to  the  world  the  most 
efficient  example  of  a  government  pater- 
nally solicitous  for  the  material  welfare 
of  its  citizens,  docilely  served  by  a  dis- 
ciplined people  rendering  iinquestioning 
obedience  to  the  commands  of  their 
sovereign.  Assuredly  this  second  ideal  of 
government  is  preeminently  the  Prussian 
ideal. 


II 


THE   INESCAPABLE   CONFLICT 

LJ  AVING  placed  in  contrast  the  Ameri- 
can ideal  and  the  Prussian  ideal  of 
government,  let  us  next  consider  this 
all-important  fact:  The  two  ideals  are 
mutually  antagonistic,  and  cannot  long 
exist  in  the  world  side  hy  side.  This 
statement  may  on  first  thought  seem 
extreme.  One  may  ask,  *' Cannot  every 
nation  select  that  one  of  the  two  ideals 
of  government  which  it  prefers,  leaving 
every  other  nation  in  peace  to  do  the 
same?  Is  there  not  room  enough  in  the 
world  for  the  peaceful  development  of 
both  ideals?**  The  answer  is  in  the 
negative,  and  for  this  reason:  The  Prus- 

6 


The  Inescapable  Conflict         7 

sian  ideal  denies  one  of  the  primitive 
instincts  of  mankind,  the  instinct  of  indi- 
vidual freedom  and  personal  sovereignty. 
From  the  beginning,  man  has  rebelled 
against  slavery,  whether  the  enslaving 
power  be  beneficent  or  brutal.  An  in- 
efficient government  of  his  own  creation 
is  more  tolerable  to  him  than  the  most 
efficient  control  imposed  by  another.  A 
people  enjoying  unwonted  prosperity  may 
for  a  time  docilely  submit  to  the  hand 
which  feeds  them;  but  sooner  or  later 
the  instinct  of  freedom  will  assert  itself 
and  the  people  grow  restless.  Especially 
is  this  true  where  the  people  enslaved  by 
an  autocratic  government  are  surroimded 
by  freemen  who  govern  themselves. 
Liberty  is  an  inevitable,  imconscious 
proselyter. 

There  remains  to  the  autocratic  govern- 
ment but  one  procedure.  It  must  offer 
to  its   subjects   compensation  for  their 


8         The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

slavery,  and  destroy  the  proselyting 
influence  which  surrounds  them.  Both 
are  accomplished  at  one  stroke  by  military 
conquest.  Just  as  freemen  will  undergo 
stern  military  discipline  for  the  sake  of 
victory,  so  a  subject  people  will  submit 
to  a  ruler  who  assures  them  military 
glory  and  the  privilege  of  triumphing  over 
their  neighbors.  Autocracy  and  aggres- 
sive militarism  are  inextricably  bound 
together.  Through  militarism  autocracy 
must  conquer  the  world,  or  from  a  peace- 
ful penetration  of  the  ideals  of  liberty 
it  will  suffer  decay. 

No  one  imderstands  this  truth  more 
clearly  than  does  the  autocratic  govern- 
ment of  Germany.  Its  motto,  "World 
power  or  downfall,''  is  not  the  silly  ranting 
of  a  wild  extremist,  but  a  brutally  frank 
statement  of  a  profoimd  truth.  The 
German  government's  oft-repeated  asser- 
tion that  it  is  fighting  a  defensive  warfare 


The  Inescapable  Conflict         9 

should  not  be  pushed  aside  as  an  Idle 
falsehood.  The  tide  of  popular  discon- 
tent with  autocracy  was  beginning  to 
rise  in  Germany,  and  the  autocratic 
government's  most  effective  defence  was 
a  war  which  should  imlte  the  people  once 
more  In  loyal  subjection.  Prior  to  July, 
1 9 14,  the  German  papers  were  publicly 
ridiculing  the  Kaiser's  pompous  assertion 
of  his  divine  right  to  rule,  and  were  In- 
dignantly denoimcing  his  angry  threat 
to  tear  the  Constitution  of  Alsace  in 
shreds  and  annex  the  imhappy  province 
to  Prussia;  representatives  of  the  people 
In  increasing  nimibers  were  refusing  to 
vote  the  government's  burdensome  war 
taxes  and  were  protesting  against  the 
exaltation  of  military  above  civil  author- 
ity. A  month  later,  the  entire  nation 
was  enthusiastically  acclaiming  the  war 
lord  whose  victorious  legions  were  sweep- 
ing  across    Belglimi   to   carry    German 


10       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

dominion  to  the  shores  of  the  English 
Channel.  Never  was  the  Hohenzollern 
dynasty  more  securely  in  the  saddle  than 
during  the  many  months  when  flag- 
bedecked  Germany  was  celebrating  her 
victories  on  every  front.  An  offensive 
warfare  against  Germany's  neighbors  had 
proven  the  best  defensive  warfare  for 
Germany's  government. 


<u 


Ill 


GROWTH  OF  PRUSSIANISM 

T^HE  historical  development  of  the 
'■■  Prussian  ideal  of  government  shows 
Prussia's  realization  of  the  fact  that 
nothing  save  the  most  aggressive  ex- 
ploitation of  that  ideal  would  prevent  its 
ultimate  extinction.  Some  time  before 
the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus, 
there  appeared  on  the  world  stage  an 
imimportant  house  by  the  name  of  Hohen- 
zollem  which  ruled  over  a  small  tract  of 
country  surrounding  the  little  town  of 
Berlin  (see  map,  Figure  i).  Successive 
rulers  of  this  line  added  to  their  holdings 
by  conquering  neighboring  lands,  until 

the   scattered   domains   tmder   Prussian 

II 


12       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

control  stretched  from  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine  eastward  beyond  the  Vistula. 
In  1640,  there  came  to  the  throne  one  of 
the  most  famous  among  the  early  expon- 
ents of  the  Prussian  ideal  of  government, 
Frederick  William,  the  Great  Elector. 
He  is  described  as  ''coarse  by  nature, 
heartless  in  destroying  opponents,  treach- 
erous in  diplomatic  negotiations,  and 
entirely  devoid  of  refinement.''  Fully 
realizing  that  the  Prussian  theory  of 
government  could  live  only  by  perpetuat- 
ing and  extending  the  policy  of  conquest 
successfully  pursued  by  his  Hohenzollern 
ancestors,  he  organized,  against  the  pro- 
tests of  his  subjects,  an  enormous  stand- 
ing army,  the  beginning  of  the  modern 
Prussian  military  machine. 

It  would  not  be  profitable  to  trace  in 
detail  the  particular  part  played  by 
each  Hohenzollern  ruler  in  exploiting  the 
Prussian  ideal  of  government.     It  is  the 


Growth  of  Prussianism         13 

proud  boast  of  the  Hohenzollern  dynasty 
that  ahnost  every  one  of  its  members  has 
in  peace  or  in  war  added  something  to 
the  extent  of  Prussian  dominions.  The 
rough  and  boorish  Frederick  WilHam  I. 
scoured  all  Europe  in  search  of  tall  men 
for  his  armies,  selling  the  royal  jewels 
and  turning  the  family  table  silver  into 
money  to  defray  the  cost  of  building  up 
an  invincible  military  machine  for  further 
conquest.  His  son  and  successor  dis- 
liked military  pursuits,  preferring  the 
company  of  music  and  books.  But  he, 
too,  realized  on  ascending  the  throne  that 
the  Prussian  ideal  of  government  could 
not  endure  apart  from  a  policy  of  aggres- 
sive militarism,  and  skillfully  employing 
the  military  machine  painstakingly  per- 
fected by  his  thrifty  father,  he  became 
the  all-powerful  Frederick  the  Great,  one 
of  the  most  renowned  military  geniuses 
of  history.     Silesia  was  brutally  wrenched 


14       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

from  the  helpless  young  Empress  of 
Austria  without  the  pretense  of  an  excuse, 
and  the  shameful  partition  of  Poland 
was  successfully  begun.  Militarism  ap- 
proximately doubled  the  size  of  Prussia 
in  the  lifetime  of  this  one  man  (see 
Figures  2  and  3). 

The  time  soon  came  when  the  normal 
growth  of  the  Prussian  ideal  of  govern- 
ment demanded  the  extension  of  Prussian 
influence  on  an  enormous  scale.  Thus 
far  the  Hohenzollern  dominion  had  risen 
by  successive  acquisitions  from  a  small 
province  siuroimding  Berlin  to  a  Euro- 
pean power  (Figure  4).  It  must  next 
ascend  to  the  position  of  a  world  power. 
To  accomplish  this  two  things  were 
essential.  Austria  had  long  been  a  power- 
ful rival  of  Prussia  in  the  struggle  for 
dominant  influence  among  the  smaller 
German  states.  Since  the  absorption  of 
Austria  was  not  yet  possible,  her  influence 


Growth  of  Prussianism         15 

must  be  destroyed  by  military  defeat. 
With  Austria  eliminated,  Prussian  domi- 
nation over  the  remaining  German  states 
must  be  consolidated,  to  the  end  that  a 
great  Germanic  power,  pledged  to  the 
support  of  Hohenzollernism  and  the 
Prussian  ideal  of  government,  should 
arise  in  the  world.  Two  remarkable  men 
undertook  this  colossal  task.  William 
I.  of  Prussia,  grandfather  of  the  present 
Kaiser,  bent  all  his  energies  to  developing 
the  military  resources  of  his  kingdom, 
while  Bismarck  proceeded  to  apply  his 
policy  of  blood  and  iron.  In  defiance  of 
the  Prussian  parliament  which  refused  to 
vote  taxes  for  a  great  army,  in  defiance 
of  the  constitution  which  guaranteed 
to  the  parliament  control  over  taxes,  and 
in  defiance  of  the  voice  of  the  people  as 
expressed  in  the  public  press,  the  military 
machine  was  enormously  strengthened. 
William  I.  and  the  Iron  Chancellor  knew 


i6       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

that  all  crimes  against  the  people's 
liberty  would  be  forgotten  when  a  war 
of  conquest  had  been  successfully  con- 
cluded. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  months,  the  Dan- 
ish provinces  of  Schleswig  and  Holstein 
were  conquered  and  annexed  to  Prussia, 
Austria  was  overwhelmingly  defeated 
and  her  influence  destroyed,  and  a  num- 
ber of  the  independent  north  German 
states  which  sided  with  Austria  were 
brought  under  Prussian  control.  Soon 
after,  the  south  German  states  were 
brought  into  the  Prussian  union  for  a  new 
war  of  conquest,  Alsace-Lorraine  and  a 
huge  indemnity  were  extracted  from 
prostrate  France,  and  the  Hohenzollern 
king  of  Prussia  became  the  autocratic 
ruler  of  a  great  world  power,  the  modem 
jGerman  Empire  (Figure  5).  The  Prus- 
sian ideal  of  government  was  now 
firmly  established  among  a   great    peo- 


Growth  of  Prussianism         17 

pie  pledged  to    a   policy    of   aggressive 
militarism. 

It  is  well  for  us  to  review  these  salient 
facts  of  Prussian  history,  lest  we  forget 
that  from  the  earliest  time  the  house  of 
Hohenzollem  has  efficiently  and  con- 
sistently pursued  a  single  policy  which 
inevitably  involves  the  maintenance  of  a 
great  military  machine  and  the  periodic 
employment  of  that  machine  in  ever- 
enlarging  conquests  of  neighboring  terri- 
tory. He  is  blind  indeed  who  would 
imagine  that,  after  ptusuing  a  given 
policy  for  five  himdred  years  with  pheno- 
menal success,  the  Prussian  Government 
should  to-day  suddenly  abandon  that 
policy  in  favor  of  another  which  it  truth- 
fully admits  would  lead  to  the  downfall 
of__a_^^painstakingly  reared,  autocracy. 
Both  the  nature  of  the  Prussian  ideal  of 
government  and  the  facts  of  Prussian 
history  assure  us  that  Germany  is  to-day, 


1 8       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

as  she  has  ever  been  in  the  past,  strug- 
gling for  world  domination  in  order  to 
prevent  the  downfall  of  the  autocratic 
HohenzoUern  rule. 


IV 


THE  MAILED  FIST  AT  WORK 

pORTUNATELY  for  our  clearness  of 
vision,  Germany's  plans  for  her 
next  step  toward  the  goal  of  world  domi- 
nation are  too  plain  to  be  doubted.  They 
are  precisely  what  Prussian  history  would 
lead  us  to  expect.  A  petty  HohenzoUem 
province  first  dominates  Prussia,  Prussia 
then  dominates  Germany,  and  now  the 
plans  provide  that  Germany  shall  domi- 
nate Etirope.  The  method  of  achieving 
the  desired  end  is  precisely  the  same  with 
which  history  has  made  us  so  familiar. 
Adjacent  territories  are  to  be  brought 
imder  HohenzoUem  rule  by  the  annexa- 
tion of  some  and  the  federation  of  others 

19 


20       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

into  a  great  Central  European  Empire, 
with  Germany  the  directing  force  and 
the  Prussian  military  machine  the  in- 
vincible bond  which  holds  them  to- 
gether. Let  us  lift  the  curtain  for  a 
moment  and  watch  the  mailed  fist  as  it 
moves  the  pieces  on  the  European  chess- 
board in  preparation  for  the  coup  of  19 14. 
We  see  the  evil  hand  in  Vienna,  shap- 
ing the  policy  of  the  Dual  Monarchy  and 
gaining  that  ascendency  over  its  affairs 
which  has  reduced  Austria-Hungary  to 
a  state  of  vassalage.  We  observe  Italy 
bound  in  unholy  alliance  with  the  historic 
enemy  of  Italian  freedom.  We  realize 
that  it  is  the  mailed  fist  acting  through  CU>-^^ 
Austria  in  the  seizure  of  Bosnia  and  (Jlsa-.%ji^ 
Herzegovina  In  flagrant  violation  of  treaty 
pledges.  We  behold  the  Prussian  war  ^j^ 
lord  appear  "in  shining  armor*'  beside 
his  obedient  Austrian  vassal  to  threaten 
Russia  when   she  protests  against   this 


■o- 


The  Mailed  Fist  at  Work      21 


injury  to  her  brother  Slavs.  We  see 
Servia  robbed  of  her  hard-won  port  on 
the  Adriatic  and  Albania  erected  into  a 
make-believe  kingdom  imder  Austrian 
tutelage ;  and  we  recognize  the  old,  familiar 
methods  of  the  HohenzoUern.  We  find 
the  mailed  fist  clasping  in  fraternal  greet- 
ing the  bloody  hand  that  massacres 
the  Armenians,  the  Emperor  of  Christian 
Germany  becoming  a  brother  to  the  un- 
speakable Turk,  training  and  officering 
his  armies,  and  securing  from  him  con- 
cessions for  the  future  Berlin  to  Bagdad 
railway.  We  see  puppet  HohenzoUern  csl<l^  ^ 
kings  placed  on  the  thrones  of  Bulgaria  ^^-*Sk^J^ 
and  Roimiania,  and  King  Constantine  of 
Greece  married  to  the  Kaiser's  sister. 
We  watch  the  meshes  of  German  intrigue 
'  wound  about  the  Russian  Government, 
and  the  mighty  Slav  reduced  to  partial 
impotence.  By  ruthless  conquest  and  by 
peaceful  penetration,  the  stage  is  being 


VAX- 


22       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

set  for  the  great  Central  European 
Empire,  while  at  home  the  war  lord 
prepares  for  the  coming  contest  by  ac- 
cimiulating  military  stores  in  quantities 
which  have  since  astonished  the  world, 
by  forcing  the  passage  of  a  naval  bill 
destined  to  make  Germany  formidable 
on  sea  as  well  as  on  land,  by  enlarging  the 
Kiel  Canal  to  permit  the  passage  of  the 


^f-^*"^  largest  battleships,  by  building  heavy- 
metalled,  double-tracked  railways  along 
,  ^  e^^^  the  borders  of  Belgiimi  and  other  peaceful 
J^^  neighbors,  by  securing  a  grant  of  $250,- 
000,000  in  special  war  taxes  with  which 
to  raise  the  army  to  a  peace  footing  of 
700,000  men  and  a  war  footing  of  nearly 
t^unilUons^  and  by  marshalling  the  voices 
of  obedient  professors  and  the  pens  of 
servile  writers  in  one  vast  campaign  of 
education,  designed  to  poison  the  German 
mind  with  dreams  of  Pan-Germanic 
power. 


The  Mailed  Fist  at  Work      23 

At  last  the  propitious  moment  is 
arrived,  and  the  mailed  fist  pulls  the 
strings.  Austria  approaches  Italy  with 
the  proposition,  that  they  unite  in  the 
conquest  of  Servia;  but  Italy  refuses. 
A  delay  of  some  months  ensues,  while 
European  diplomats  struggle  to  avert 
the  impending  calamity.  Then  an  Aus- 
trian prince  is  murdered  in  the  capital 
city  of  conquered  Bosnia.  This  furnishes 
the  desired  excuse  for  beginning  the  long- 
planned  war.  Vienna  secretly  confers 
with  Berlin,  and  at  the  end  of  a  month  of 
silence  suddenly  astoimds  the  civilized 
world  by  accusing  the  Servian  Govern- 
ment of  the  murder,  and  submitting  ten 
demands  designed  to  be  so  humiliating  In 
their  nature  and  so  Insulting  In  their  tone 
as  to  insure  a  prompt  rejection.  But 
imfortimately  for  the  Hohenzollem  plan 
Servia,  on  the  advice  of  her  peaceably 
inclined  friends,   accepts  outright  eight 


24      The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

of  the  unjust  demands  and  agrees  to 
submit  to  arbitration  the  remaining  two 
which  seriously  threaten  her  independ- 
ence. This  is  most  disconcerting,  but 
the  plan  must  not  be  balked.  War  is 
therefore  declared  on  Servia  despite  her 
hiuniliating  surrender,  and  the  mobiliza- 
tion of  Russia  in  support  of  Servia  gives 
Berlin  the  pretext  for  declarations  of 
war  against  Russia,  France,  and  Belgiimi. 
The  work  of  conquering  and  consolidat- 
ing a  great  Central  Eiuropean  Empire 
imder  Prussian  control  is  now  in  full 
swing  according  to  the  most  approved 
HohenzoUern'methods. 


V 


A   WOLF  IN  sheep's  CLOTHING 


TT  cannot  be  denied  that  as  things  stand 
to-day  the  plans  for  a  Prussianized 
Central   Europe   have   succeeded   to   a 
remarkable  degree  (see  Figure  6).     Aus- 
tria  has   come   wholly    under    German 
domination,  and  is  dependent  upon  the 
Prussian  military  machine  for  her  very 
existence.    Without  its  help,  Serbs  and  i  ^^^^q^ 
Russians  are  able  to  defeat  her  at  will.     J^^^tV^^^ 
Her  armies  are  but  tools  in  the  hands  of     ^r~<r\j^x^^ 
German  higher  officers,  while  her  political 
administration  is  dominated  by  Berlin. 
Eager  for  peace  to-day,  she  dares  not  ask 
for  it  till  the  Kaiser  has  given  the  word. 
Said  an  Austrian  army  officer,  who  had 

25 


1  ^ 


26       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

fought  through  the  Galician  campaign: 
**Our  worst  enemy  is  not  Russia  but  the 
Prussian  Government.  If  the  war  is 
won  by  the  Germans  there  will  be  no 
Austria/*  To  an  even  greater  degree/ 
Bulgaria  and  Turkey  have  become  vassals 
of  the  Hohenzollern  state,  taking  their 
orders  direct  from  Berlin.  German 
troops  in  Constantinople  and  German 
warships  in  the  harbor  hold  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Turk  in  abject  servitude. 
The  control  of  two  thirds  of  Roimiania 
has  passed  into  German  hands,  the  death 
of  Germany's  hand-picked  puppet  king 
having  made  forcible  conquest  necessary. 
Serbia  has  been  destroyed  and  the  main 
artery  of  the  new  Empire,  the  great 
Berlin  to  Bagdad  route,  is  completely 
imder  German  control  to  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  Orient  city.  William  II. 
began  this  war  as  the  ruler  of  6S  million 
souls.     To-day  he  is  the  supreme  war 


A  Wolf  in  Sheep's  Clothing    27 

lord  of  an  empire  of  176  millions,  stra- 
tegically located  in  the  center  of  Eiirope. 
As  Cheradame  truly  says:  ''This  is  the 
brutal,  overwhelming  fact  which  Ameri- 
cans must  face  if  they  wish  to  learn  the 
sole  solution  of  the  war  which  will  assure 
to  them,  as  well  as  to  the  rest  of  the 
world,  a  durable  peace.'' 

Realizing  the  vast  extent  of  her  suc- 
cess, and  fearful  that  further  warfare 
may  lead  to  its  imdoing,  Germany  is 
to-day  frantically  working  for  peace  ''on 
very  moderate  terms '' ;  even,  if  necessary, 
"without  annexations  or  indemnities/' 
With  the  war  beginning  to  go  against 
her,  she  is  generously  willing  to  surrender 
(for  the  present)  all  the  lands  conquered 
from  Russia,  Roumania,  France,  and 
Belgium,  and  all  of  Servia  save  a  narrow 
I  strip  bordering  the  Berlin  to  Bagdad 
railway.  She  could  restore  all  these  and  stWV 
win  the  greatest  victory  in  the  history 


28       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

of  Hohenzollern  conquests.  The  blind 
would  see  only  the  status  quo  ante,  Ger- 
many would  see,  and  soon  the  rest  of  the 
world  would  see,  the  dream  of  a  great 
Central  European  Germanic  Empire 
come  true  (Figure  7).  A  real  status  quo 
ante  is  beyond  the  power  of  man  to 
establish. 

If  there  be  those  who,  admitting  the 
Hohenzollern  policy  of  conquest  up  to 
and  including  the  present  war,  neverthe- 
less imagine  that  Germany  would  be 
willing  to  retire  from  the  bloody  struggle 
contented  to  let  well  enough  alone  pro- 
vided her  domination  of  Austria,  Bul- 
garia, and  Turkey  were  unimpaired,  they 
should  remember,  in  the  first  place,  that 
the  new  and  vastly  stronger  Germany 
wotild  be  ruled  by  the  same  Hohenzollern 
dynasty  as  before,  imbued  by  the  same 
passion  for  conquest  which  for  more  than 
five  hundred  years  had  been  eminently 


A  Wolf  in  Sheep's  Clothing    29 

successful,  and  never  so  much  as  in  the 
present  struggle.  Let  them  give  heed, 
in  the  second  place,  to  the  testimony  of 
eminent  Germans  concerning  their  own 
ideas  of  Germany's  future  policy.  Let 
them  read  von  Bissing's  memorandum 
to  his  government  in  which  as  Governor 
General  of  Belgium  he  boldly  advocates 
the  dethronement  of  the  Belgian  royal 
house  and  the  forcible  annexation  of  the 
country  to  Germany.  Let  them  consider 
the  sinister  import  of  his  candid  declara- 
tion that  reconciliation  and  peaceful 
domination  are  impossible,  and  that  pos- 
session of  Belgium  is  absolutely  essen- 
tial to  the  success  of  Germany's  plans 
for  future  wars  against  England  and 
France.  Let  them  listen  to  the  intel- 
lectual leaders  of  Germany:  to  Nietzsche 
teaching,  "Ye  shall  love  peace  as  a  means 
to  new  wars, — and  the  short  peace  more 
than  the  long";  to  Treitschke  describing 


30       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

war  as  "an  ordinance  set  by  God"  and 
*'the  most  powerful  maker  of  nations'*; 
to  Bernhardi  declaring,  ''The  lessons  of 
history  confirm  the  view  that  wars  which 
have  been  deliberately  provoked  by  far- 
seeing  statesmen  have  had  the  happiest 
results '' ;  and  to  Eucken  asserting,  **  To  us 
more  than  to  any  other  nation  is  intrusted 
the  true  structure  of  human  existence/' 
Let  them  hear  the  revered  pastors  of 
Germany :  Francke  saying, ' '  Germany  is 
1  the  representative  of  the  highest  morality, 
i  of  the  purest  humanity,  of  the  most 
.  chastened  Christianity;  its  defeat  would 
mean  a  falling  back  to  the  worst  barbar- 
ism'*; Lehman  preaching,  *'The  German 
soul  is  God's  soul.     It  shall  and  will  rule  t 

over  mankind";  and  K5nig  exhorting, 
''We  must  vanquish,  because  the  down- 
fall of  Germanism  would  mean  the  down- 
fall of  humanity."  Then  perhaps  will 
the  thoughtless  realize  that  the  German 


A  Wolf  in  Sheep*s  Clothing    31 

nation,  driven  by  a  policy  it  cannot 
control,  presses  inevitably  forward  to  new 
conquests,  ever  toward  the  goal  of  world 
dominion. 


VI 

TWO  SIDES  OF  A  SHIELD 

"X  A  7E  have  traced  the  history  of  the 
'  Prussian  ideal  of  government 
to  the  present,  and  have  found  that  its 
very  existence  depends  upon  an  aggressive 
militarism  which  must  ever  conquer  new 
dominions,  or  suffer  decay  and  death.  It 
follows  that  the  American  ideal  of  govern- 
ment must  in  the  end  conquer  or  be  con- 
quered. There  is  no  truce  in  this  warfare 
of  ideals.  Lincoln  realized  that  the  Union 
could  not  exist  half  slave  and  half  free. 
The  HohenzoUem  realizes,  and  we  must 
realize,  that  the  world  cannot  exist  half  in 
political  slavery  and  half  in  political  free- 
dom, half  autocracy  and  half  democracy. 

32 


Two  Sides  of  a  Shield         33 

It  is  fair  to  ask,  however,  whether  after 
all  the  Prussian  ideal  of  government  may 
not  be  the  best,  if  wisely  administered. 
Human  instinct  may  incline  all  mankind 
toward  individual  freedom,  but  instincts 
are  not  always  safe  guides  to  action. 
There  is  no  a  priori  ground  for  assuming 
that  the  American  ideal  of  government  is 
superior  to  the  Prussian  ideal,  and  many 
an  intelligent  German  has  conscien- 
tiously argued  that  the  Prussian  Govern- 
ment is  the  most  efficient,  the  most  liberal, 
and  the  most  truly  free  of  all  modem 
states.  Let  us  in  all  candor  consider 
whether  the  American  Ideal  is  so  good  or 
the  Prussian  ideal  so  bad  that  we  shoiild 
shed  American  blood  to  preserve  the  one 
and  destroy  the  other. 

No  fair-minded  man  will  deny  that  a 
government  of  the  Prussian  type  may 
attain  the  highest  efficiency  in  many 
fields  of  action.     With  an  intelligent  and 


34      The  Peril  of  Prussianlsm 

energetic  ruler  at  the  helm,  with  central- 
ized control  and  responsibility,  decisions 
may  be  quickly  reached  and  promptly 
translated  into  action  by  the  orderly 
team  work  of  a  disciplined  people.  For 
more  than  five  centuries  the  Hohen- 
zoUern  dynasty  has  consistently  and 
efficiently  progressed  toward  the  ultimate 
achievement  of  a  single  ideal,  while  more 
liberal  governments  have  blundered  in 
confusion  through  disastrous  revolutions 
and  profound  changes  of  national  policy. 
To-day  Prussianized  Germany,  hope- 
lessly outnimibered,  holds  the  world  at 
bay,  cotmting  her  military  victories  while 
her  enemies  coimt  their  disastrous  blun- 
ders. In  social  legislation,  in  municipal 
government,  Germany  gives  lessons  to 
the  world.  In  the  application  of  science^'^f^^^!^^ 
to  the  arts  and  industries  she  has  no  equal.  ^^^'^^•^*^'*^ 
Autocracy  is  admittedly  efficient,  demo- 
cracy is  certainly  inefficient. 


Two  Sides  of  a  Shield         35 

When  every  count  in  its  favor  has  been 
duly  recorded,  however,  the  truth  remains 
that  the  Prussian  ideal  of  government  is 
so  immoral,  so  iniquitous,  so  debasing 
to  the  mind  and  the  soul  of  man,  that  its 
annihilation  becomes  the  supreme  duty 
of  the  hour.  Let  us  review  the  indict- 
ments against  this  monstrosity  of  the 
HohenzoUern  intellect. 

In  the  first  place  it  should  be  noted  that 
many  of  the  beneficent  features  associated 
with  Prussian  autocracy  are  not  essen- 
tially a  part  of  the  Prussian  ideal  of  gov- 
ernment. They  are,  in  not  a  few  cases, 
bribes  offered  to  a  discontented  people  to 
quiet  their  grumblings  against  despotic 
rule.  Take,  for  example,  the  work- 
ingman's  insturance  laws  to  which  Ger- 
mans justly  point  with  pride.  Both  the 
acddgnt  insurance  law  and  the  sickness 
insurance  law  were  introduced  by  Bis- 
marck for  the  avowed  purpose  of  quieting 


36       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

the  socialist  agitation  for  greater  political 
liberty,  after  drastic  laws  for  the  imprison- 
ment of  socialist  leaders  had  failed  to 
crush  their  propaganda.  A  contented 
slave  is  better  than  one  discontented,  and 
it  is  a  wise  paternalism  which  provides 
for  the  material  welfare  of  its  subjects 
whether  the  form  of  government  be  good 
or  bad.  It  has  been  well  said  that  the 
German  autocracy  strives  to  govern  so 
well  that  the  people  will  have  no  desire  to 
govern  themselves. 

The  Prussian  government  of  Germany 
is  in  point  of  fact  a  despotism  in  disguise. 
It  has  all  the  trappings  of  constitutional 
government,  but  the  constitutional  fea- 
tures are  an  empty  sham  designed  to 
cloak  the  iron  rule  of  Hohenzollern  auto- 
cracy. If  this  seems  an  extreme  state- 
ment, look  for  a  moment  at  the  structure 
of  the  Hohenzollern  stronghold.  Like 
our  own  government,  there  is  a  federation 


Two  Sides  of  a  Shield        37 

of  different  states  tinder  a  President,  the 
German  Emperor.  This  President,  like 
our  own,  controls  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
federation  and  is  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army  and  navy.  There  is  an  upper 
house  or  Senate  called  the  Bundesrath, 
and  a  lower  House  of  Representatives, 
the  Reichstag.  There  is  also  a  constitu- 
tion defining  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  the  people  and  their  rulers.  All  this 
soimds  familiar  to  Americans,  and  might 
easily  deceive  them,  as  it  has  deceived 
many  of  the  German  people,  into  suppos- 
ing that  Germany  enjoys  self-government. 
But  let  us  look  more  closely.  We  find 
that  the  upper  house  does  not  represent 
the  people,  but  consists  (with  three 
exceptions)  of  men  personally  appoint- 
ed by  twenty-two  hereditary  German 
princes.  Even  the  lower  house  is  not 
truly  representative,  for  the  so-called 
imiversal  suffrage  is  a  farce.     The  conser- 


n^ 


38       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

vative  Country  districts,  which  are  the 
strongholds  of  reactionary  ideas,  may 
have  in  proportion  to  their  population  ten 
times  as  much  representation  as  the  great 
cities  where  education  and  liberalism 
flourish.  Less  than  two  hundred  thou- 
sand voters  in  certain  country  districts 
have  sent  to  the  Reichstag  as  many 
representatives  as  two  million  voters  in 
some  of  the  cities.  In  Prussia,  the  domi- 
nant German  state,  voting  is  based  on  a 
system  which  gives  to  the  large  taxpayers 
nearly  thirty  times  as  much  represen- 
tation as  to  the  small  taxpayers.  Thus 
it  is  stated  that  in  1907  the  large  tax- 
payers, representing  3%  of  the  voters, 
elected  one-third  of  the  electors,  or  as 
many  as  small  taxpayers  representing 
87%  of  the  voters. 

Even  this  does  not  tell  the  whole  story 
of  autocratic  Prussian  rule.  The  Reichs- 
tag, or  lower  house,  has  no  control  over 


Two  Sides  of  a  Shield         39 

the  Kaiser's  salary  or  civil  list,  none  over 
the   Imperial   Ministers  who  determine 
national   and   international   policy,    and 
almost  none  over  legislation.     Practically 
all   legislation  initiates  with  the  upper 
house    of   monarchical    appointees,    and 
it  may,  with  the  Kaiser's  consent,  dis-  \ 
solve  the  lower  house.     The  Kaiser  has 
the  power  to  declare  defensive  war,  and 
since  even  this  war  of  conquest  is  to  him  a 
defensive  war,  he  may  in  practice  declare 
war    at    will.     He    can    make    treaties,  \ 
appoint  or  dismiss  the  chancellor  and  im- 
perial ministers,  and,  with  the  consent  of 
the  upper  house,  dissolve  the  Reichstag. 
He  is  assigned  enough  votes  In  the  upper  \ 
house  to  enable  him  to  pass  any  legis-  \ 
latlon  which  he  desires,  and  to  block  any  ) 
measture  of  which  he  disapproves.     In  a 
word,  the  Prince-appointed  upper  house 
controls    the    mis-representative    lower 
house,  and  the  Kaiser  In  tturn  controls 


40       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

both.  Despite  the  outward  form  of 
constitutional  government,  Germany  pos- 
sesses the  strongest  autocratic  despotism 
in  the  world  to-day. 

The  Prussian  government  of  Germany 
is  an  absolute  despotism.  The  constitu- 
tion is  so  skillfully  devised  as  utterly  to 
prevent  any  reform  the  .Hohenzollern 
ruler  does  not  approve,  no  matter  how  in- 
sistent the  popular  demand  may  be.  The 
liberal-minded  masses  have  a  wholly 
inadequate  representation  in  the  Reichs- 
tag. But  should  reforms  pass  there,  the 
monarchical  appointees  of  the  upper 
house,  ever  jealous  of  their  prerogatives, 
stand  ready  to  stifle  them.  And  could 
we  conceive  that  real  reforms  shoiild 
win  the  support  of  a  majority  of  these 
princely  delegates,  we  must  remember 

/  that     fourteen    votes    are    enough    to 
defeat   any   amendment   in    this    body, 

\  and  that  the  Kaiser  controls  seventeen 


'  Two  Sides  of  a  Shield         41 

votes!    The  despotic  control  is  final  and 
absolute. 

The  Prussian  government  of  Ger- 
many is  ^xi  irresponsible  despotism.  The 
chief  minister  of  the  empire  is  the 
Imperial  Chancellor,  who  is  responsible 
to  the  Kaiser  alone.  The  Kaiser,  in 
turn,  owns  responsibility  only  to  God. 
William  11. ,  faithful  to  the  centuries- 
old  tradition  of  his  HohenzoUern  an- 
cestors, seriously  claims  that  he  rules 
by  the  grace  of  God,  and  the  claim  is 
loyally  supported  by  the  conservative 
parties  in  the  German  state.  The  hate- 
ful doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  is 
a  fundamental  article  of  the  HohenzoUern 
creed,  although  frequently  disguised  for 
the  German  people  imder  the  more  subtle, 
and  therefore  more  dangerous,  doctrine  of 
the  divine  right  of  the  State.  Since  the 
State  is,  in  the  last  analysis,  the  Kaiser, 
the   difference   is   one   of   words.     **We 


42       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 


HohenzoUerns, "  cries  the  present  Kaiser, 
''take  our  crown  from  God  alone,  and  to 
God  alone  are  we  responsible  in  the  ful- 
fillment of  duty." 


VII 

THE  DIVINE  RIGHT  OF  THE  STATE 

/^UT  of  evil  things  evil  must  come. 
^^^  ,  No  absolute  and  irresponsible  des- 
potism can  breed  peace,  justice,  and 
honor  in  the  world.  The  evil  may  for  a 
space  be  cloaked  under  the  disguise  of 
material  prosperity,  but  the  time  soon 
comes  when  the  horrid  thing  stands  re- 
vealed in  all  its  hideousness.  We  have 
seen  that  aggressive  militarism  Is  the 
inevitable  accompaniment  of  the  Prussian 
ideal  of  government.  And  militarism  is 
an  evil.  It  brutalizes  mankind,  and  sub- 
stitutes the  pagan  doctrine  that  might 
makes  right  for  the  Christian  doctrine 
that  right  is  might.     In  the  twinkling  of 

43 


lAwMbMBa 


44       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

an  eye  the  mask  of  material  development 
which  made  Germany  appear  beauti- 
ful to  the  casual  observer,  drops  to  the 
ground,  and  we  see  all  the  hideousness  of 
Prussian  militarism  exposed  to  the  gaze 
of  a  surprised  and  indignant  world. 
The  indignation  truly  is  justified,  but  not 
so  the  surprise;  for  the  deeds  of  Prussian 
militarism  are  the  logical  and  expectable 
consequences  of  the  Prussian  ideal  of 
government. 

The  State  is  everything,  the  individual 
nothing.  The  State  is  a  divine  institu- 
tion, and  therefore  can  do  no  wrong. 
That  which  benefits  the  State  is  good,  no 
matter  what  evil  it  may  bring  to  individ- 
uals. Compared  with  the  good  of  the 
State,  the  lives  and  the  property  of  in- 
dividuals, the  suffering  of  mankind,  and 
the  harm  done  to  other  governments  are 
as  nothing.  These  are  doctrines  born 
of  the  Prussian  ideal,  and  applied  with 


The  Divine  Right  of  the  State  45 

conscientious  consistency  in  the  present 
war  by  the  Prussian  Government.  ''The 
State,"  writes  Treitschke,  ''is  the  highest 
thing  in  the  external  society  of  man; 
above  it  there  is  nothing  at  all  in  the 
history  of  the  world. ''  The  development 
of  the  State  demands  a  policy  of  aggres- 
sive militarism,  therefore  war  is  moral  and 
in  the  last  analysis  more  to  be  desired 
than  peace.  The  safety  of  the  State 
demands  expansion  to  the  Mediterranean, 
hence  the  provocative  ultimatum  to  Ser- 
bia was  thoroughly  justified.  The  advan- 
tage of  the  State  necessitates  a  quick 
attack  on  France  through  neutral  Bel- 
gium, therefore  the  wholesale  slaughter 
of  an  innocent  people  while  unfortimate 
is  a  wholly  proper  measure.  The  secur- 
ity of  the  army,  the  strong  right  arm  of 
the  State,  is  promoted  by  terrorizing  the 
civilian  populations  of  occupied  terri- 
tories, and  so  the  shooting  of  hostages,  the 


46       The  Peril  of  Pruss:~-*5::i 
btirmng  of  cities,  and  the  axmnisaoo  of 


uz-i c  -  -^ .-  —   _■.'...  r .-  i^  ^  ^  .,r  w   .  -  - .   .  —  r - .  - 1 

::r    :lie   g::i    c- ^    :'ev    s^r-'e.     lii't:- 

let   ci/^^ans,  the  e^"    "rne-t    ::  e-*e:r.T 

</.'^  ■ 

ment  oi  c)pen  towr.s;  b;;;.  the   rr:  .'e    > 

>^^n 

r'r    "  Than  •-Terr.ational  law  cuz.'  :':ese 

«            «                •  •      «                                «         « 

x.^^    --     --^^     Q-c-^         F-  —  c-.* —     -~--:^^ 

the  s'?--  rhter  of  iioa-oo::::;-:-vi::s  -".^  :'-e 

--v-ir:-  ::  -:-e::  :.::'   ::--'crr:-  :u:  :-e 

<M«                                                                           ■                                 .                .                     •                                                                      «                                                                «                                                                                           •                                              • 

s-ie:-^:::::s  :^-:~  :.:rSr  :r.r:r.>  are  ce.:e::5:r-e 

...                                                   .      -« 

rr^              .              ......                        •               .              — . 

To  tJie  .:^:::     Jrcver  •-   :  :e  ^r-^ss:.^:: 

m                                                    mm                      ^-^         •                                                *                               »                             - 

cr  -e.    " D    '^"?-::er     "Gi^     C5-r:;r:us     cr 

«     •                     ^-^  •                     •                                  •                     .  -           # 

0«.     —             -■--_       '-       _'     -       —  -■     -._-''-       .        _.._ 

The  Divine  Right  of  the  State   47 

crat — gains   some   advantage   from   the 
deed. 

We  need  not  deal  specifically  with  the 
burning  of  Louvain,  the  bombardment 
of  Rheims  cathedral,  the  Zeppelin  raids 
on  Paris  and  London,  the  sinking  of  the 
Lusitania  and  other  submarine  atrocities, 
the  deportation  of  girls  from  Lille  and  of 
workmen  from  Belgitmi,  the  judicial  mur- 
der of  Edith  Cavell  and  Capt.  Fryatt, 
because  all  of  these  are  but  symptoms, 
and  perfectly  logical  and  normal  symp- 
toms, of  the  aggressive  militarism  which 
is  inextricably  botmd  up  with  the  Prus- 
sian ideal  of  government.  A  "people 
devoted  to  the  Prussian  ideal  become 
insensible  to  wrongs  which  revolt  the 
consciences  of  other  peoples,  not  because 
such  a  people  is  inherently  more  barbar- 
ous, but  because  milkarism  and  the  false 
doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of  the  State 
inevitably  degrade  the  ideals  and  brut- 


4^       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 


alize  the  instincts  of  any  poHtical  society. 
The  American  people,  submissicv:^  for  a 
few  centuries  to  the  false  teachings  of  the 
Prussian  ideal,  irribued  with  the  pernicious 
idea  that  they  Were  destined  by  God  to 
force  the  superior  culture  of  their  divine 
State  upon  the; rest  of  the  world  for  its 
own  good,  would  commit  acts  as  barbar- 
ous  as  any  whicjh  have  stained  the  record 
of  German  warmre. 


4^ 


c«^ 


J 


Ctl^ 


VIII 


THE    ISSUE 


\XTE  have  seen  that  the  Prussian  ideal 
of  government  and  the  American 
ideal  cannot  exist  together  in  the  world, 
and  that  the  Prussian  ideal  is  of  necessity 
vicious  in  its  nature  and  degrading  in  its 
effects.  For  Americans  there  is  but  one 
issue  from  this  dilemma.  The  Prussian 
ideal  must  perish,  the  American  ideal 
must  live.  We  fight  not  to  avenge  the 
Lusitania^  not  to  rebuild  Louvain,  not  to 
exact  reparation  for  murdered  women  and 
children.  We  fight  to  slay  the  govern- 
ment which  taught  its  people  to  commit 
such  damnable  atrocities.  We  fight  that 
never  again  may   a  great   nation  with 

49 


50       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 


cynical  insolence  throw  in  the  face  of  the 
world  the  base  assertions  that  treaties  are 
scraps  of  paper,  that  necessity  knows  no 
law,  that  might  is  the  right  of  the  strong- 
est, and  that  the  State  can  do  no  wrong. 
We  fight  to  hurl  the  Hohenzollern  and  his 
dangerous  doctrine  of  divine  right  upon 
the  scrap-heap  of  useless  trumpery,  and  to 
set  the  German  people  in  his  place,  that 
they  may  learn  to  rule  themselves. 

How  shall  the  end  be  achieved?    Not 
by  a  half-way  war,  not  by  conciliation  or 
compromise.     Great  ends  are  not  achiev- 
ed  by   petty   measures.     The   Imperial 
\  German  armies  must  be  defeated  on  the 
i  battlefield  and  driven  from  the  lands  they 
[conquered.     The   German   people   must 
learn  that  for  all  its  inefficiency,  demo- 
cracy is  stronger  than  disciplined  auto- 
cracy.   Restitution  of  the  fruits  of  past 
conquest  must  be  required,  Bosnia  and 
Herzegovina,    Alsace-Lorraine    and    Po- 


The  Issue  51 


land  restored  to  rightful  sovereignty. 
The  German  people  must  learn  that  the 
dream  of  a  Central  European  Empire, 
fotinded  on  military  conquest,  is  forever 
dashed  to  earth.  Reparation  for  griev- 
ous wrongs,  so  far  as  these  may  be 
repaired  by  money  indemnities,  must  be 
exacted.  The  German  people  must  learn 
that  upon  the  guilty  aggressor,  not  upon 
the  innocent  victim,  falls  the  heavy  bur- 
den of  restoring  ravished  lands,  rehabihtat- 
ing  burned  and  pillaged  cities,  supporting 
ruined  homes,  and  indemnifying  those 
whose  innocent  loved  ones  were  foully 
wronged  or  slain.  War  in  the  past  has 
been  immensely  profitable  to  Germany. 
She  must  be  taught  that  it  is  the  most 
costly  crime  a  nation  can  commit.  With 
these  ends  achieved  we  may  reasonably 
hope  that  the  German  people,  sick  of  the 
bloody  disasters  born  of  Prussian  militar- 
ism, will  awaken  from  the  trance  in  which 


52       The  Peril  of  Prussianism 

they  live  and  throw  off  the  hateful 
HohenzoUern  yoke.  If  they  do  not,  then 
we  must  fight  to  force  the  central  citadel 
of  Prussian  power.  We  must  not  lay 
down  the  sword  till  the  HohenzoUern 
,  throne  is  empty. 

When  the  stiiferings  of  this  war  press 
heavily  upon  us,  when  long  casualty  lists 
fill  the  columns  of  our  papers,  when  busi- 
ness losses  motint  high  and  the  people 
clamor  for  bread,  there  will  arise  a  loud 
and  insistent  demand  for  an  inconclusive 
peace.  Then  let  us  envisage  the  magni- 
tude of  the  issue  of  this  war,  and  prepare 
to  m.ake  sacrifices  commensurable  to  the 
ends  we  seek.  Let  us  remember  that  we 
fight  to  tear  out,  root  and  branch,  an 
ideal  of  government  deep-grown  in  cen- 
tral Europe.  The  gathered  strength  of 
centuries  is  not  overcome  by  the  efforts  of 
a  day,  nor  the  struggles  of  a  deluded 
people   stilled   without   much    suffering. 


The  Issue  53 

The  contest  may  lengthen  into  years, 
defeats  may  humiliate  us  and  dangers 
increase,  every  family  may  motirn  its 
dead  and  every  heart  be  heavy  with  fore- 
boding; still  let  us  fight  on,  shoulder  to 
shoulder  with  our  gallant  allies,  till  the 
liberty  of  the  world  be  won.  As  Christ 
died  to  make  men  holy,  let  us  die  to  make 
men  free;  for  God  is  marching  on. 


(    >      > 


"The  War  and 

Humanity" 

By 

James  M.  Beck 

A  Notable  Sequel  to  "The  Evidence  in  the 

Case" 

"  Mr.  Beck's  volume  was  a  classic  the  moment  it  ap- 
peared. V/e  know  of  no  more  logical  and  lucid  discussion 
of  the  essential  facts  and  problems  of  the  great  v/ar,  nor 
any  more  truly,  consistently,  and  even  vigorously  Amer- 
ican in  its  spirit.  We  should  be  well  content  to  let  it 
stand,  if  there  were  no  other,  as  the  authentic  expres- 
sion of  the  highest  aspirations,  the  broadest  and  most 
penetrating  vision,  and  the  most  profound  convictions  of 
the  American  nation  on  matters  which  have  never  been 
surpassed  and  have  only  twice  been  rivalled  in  vital  in- 
terests in  all  our  history." — New  York  Tribune, 

THEODORE  ROOSEVELTS  OPINION 

"It  is  the  kind  of  a  book,  which  every  self-respecting 
American,  who  loves  his  country,  should  read." 

Revised  and  Enlarged  Edition 
Nearly  400  pages.     $L50  net     By  mail,  $L60 

At  All  Booksellers 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  London 


The  Evidence  in 
the  Case 

A  Discussion  of  the  Moral  Responsibility  for  the  War  of 

1914,  as  Disclosed  by  the  Diplomatic  Records 

of   England,  Germany,   Russia,  France 

Austria,  and  Belgium 

By 
JAMES  M.  BECK,  LL,D. 

Late  Assistant  Attorney-General  of  the  U.  S. 
With  an  Introduction  by 

The  Hon.  JOSEPH  H.  CHOATE 

Late  U.  S.  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain 

1 1th  Printing — Revised  Edition  with  much  Additional 

Material 
/  2°.     Over  280  pages.    $1.25  net.    By  mail,  $  1 .35 

"  Mr.  Beck's  book  is  so  extremely  interesting 
from  beginning  to  end  that  it  is  difficult  when 
once  begun  to  lay  it  down  and  break  off  the 
reading,  and  we  are  not  surprised  to  hear  not 
only  that  it  has  had  an  immense  sale  in  England 
and  America,  but  that  its  translation  into  the 
languages  of  the  other  nations  of  Europe  has 
been  demanded." — Hon.  Joseph  H.  Choate  in 
The  New  York  Times, 


l^ew  York        G.  P.  PutnaOl's  SoOS  London 


>>. 


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